Insight Turkey / issues

Editors’ Note | Winter 2016

Fri, 01 Jan 2016 13:14:00 GMT

Germany, who challenged the British and its allies twice in the first half of the 20th century, began to reemerge as a global political power and to play the “big game” in the wake of the Cold War. As the strongest economy and the most crowded country in the European Union (EU), Germany has decided to lead the EU institutions and the old continent in global platforms. Especially after the reunification of the country, Germany started to dominate European politics.

Political Relations between Turkey and Germany

Fri, 01 Jan 2016 13:30:00 GMT

Turkish-German relations go back to the 16th century and have since then been sustained in different realms, such as the military, diplomacy and economy. Naturally, different historical incidents have had different impacts on those relations and have shaped them each in a specific manner. This essay intends first of all to delineate the different stages which Turkish-German relations have undergone through history. Secondly, it will try to reflect on the qualitative changes in Turkish-German relations which have occurred as a result of historical developments. Touching upon issues like Turkey’s possible EU membership, the PKK problem, the rise of Islamophobia in Europe and the NSU case, it will try to elaborate on both the burdens and possibilities which presently underlie those relations.

Economic Relations between Turkey and Germany

Fri, 01 Jan 2016 13:20:00 GMT

This paper examines the economic relations between Turkey and Germany, Turkey’s number one trade partner for over a century. It first ascertains that the relations between the two countries are based on mutual interests rather than “historical friendship” or “brotherhood of arms.” Second of all, this paper explains, with data, how trade and mutual investments between Turkey and Germany have been developed. Third of all, this paper determines that the level of economic relations between Turkey and Germany is lower than it should be, considering their foreign policy orientations based on economic interest. Lastly, this paper underlines potential areas of contribution to the development of expanded economic relations.

German Media’s Perception of Turkey

Fri, 01 Jan 2016 13:10:00 GMT

The difficulty of rendering a meaningful image of the German media’s perception of Turkey lies in the general character of modern media itself –as well as in its technical imperatives and economical paradigms. As the audience and consumers (and also as occasional producers) of a variety of media products, we are subject to an overall loss of quality, a lowering of professional standards, and a general degradation of the media’s discourse in the past 15 years. Of course, this is not something specific akin to the coverage of Turkey and its issues. However, the case of Turkey’s representation in the German media is particularly glaring.

Towards more Pragmatism - German Foreign Policy after the Euro Crisis

Fri, 01 Jan 2016 13:00:00 GMT

In a crisis-ridden Europe Germany is at the center of the debate regarding the question of future power and leadership within the EU. Even those analysts in the country, who in the past preferably referred to the country’s “culture of restraint” as the main characteristic principle of its foreign policy, today bemoan the shortcomings for more global influence in terms of targeted investments in “power and its responsible use” and ascribe it as the new, “irreplaceable” power center within Europe. The following article will analyze the debate by looking at Germany’s role in the most recent and relevant crises.

German–Iranian Relations after the Nuclear Deal: Geopolitical and Economic Dimensions

Fri, 01 Jan 2016 16:36:00 GMT

Germany and Iran, being the most populated countries of Europe and West Asia respectively, have shared a long history on various levels, politically, economically and culturally. Traditionally, Germany has been deemed Iran’s closest partner in Europe although its policy towards Iran during the so-called nuclear crisis in the 2000s largely followed Washington’s lead due to Germany’s joining of the latter’s coercive diplomacy. With the start of the nuclear negotiations in 2013, Berlin has then played a positive role during the negotiations that culminated in the July 2015 nuclear deal. In light of these developments, this article will review German–Iranian political and economic relations.

Managing the Stigma: Islamophobia in German Schools

Fri, 01 Jan 2016 14:50:00 GMT

As Islamophobia is on the rise in German society it also reaches into public institutions like schools. Not only students are influenced by the bad image of Islam being reflected by many media reports and public debates, teaching staff are also not immune to the effect of hostile attitudes towards Islam and Muslims. However, the stigmatization of certain groups is especially problematic, given the hierarchical relationship between teachers and students. The following article presents some of the findings of an ongoing research project about the reactions of Muslim students to Islamophobia in German schools. It looks at Muslim religiosity as a kind of stigma in German society and evaluates the possible ways in which students who belong to the stigmatized group can react to and manage to cope with these attitudes. It also discusses the possible empowering role that religion can play for some of the students.

Germany’s Kurdish and PKK Policy: Balance and Strategy

Fri, 01 Jan 2016 14:40:00 GMT

Motivated by the allegations of Germany’s indirect support for the PKK, voiced frequently in recent years among the Turkish public, this study aims to analyze Germany’s Kurdish policy in general, and PKK policy in particular. The author posits that even though Berlin does not want to acknowledge that the PKK question impacts its country and seeks to keep the negative effects of it away from its soil, developments have pushed the German governments to follow a well-balanced political approach to the PKK question, which has significant domestic and foreign political dimensions for Germany. The article further argues that although Germany’s politics of balance disappoints and even frustrates Turkey and the PKK leadership alike at times, the policy has remained unchanged for years and seems unlikely to change in the future.

Brazil–Turkey Relations in the 2000s: Deconstructing Partnership between Emerging Powers

Fri, 01 Jan 2016 14:30:00 GMT

Uncertainty about the state of the new global order and the dynamics that govern it permeate academic literature and policy inquiries. In this new world order “picking allies, making friends and containing adversaries […] promises to be an unclear, ambiguous and delicate process.”1 Using Brazil and Turkey as an example, this paper aims to understand how and why emerging countries choose to “partner up.” The paper focuses on the growing relations between the two countries in the areas of political and economic cooperation between 2008 and 2012. The theoretical proposal of the paper is to test whether realist or more constructivist explanations can account for the approximation of these seemingly unlikely partners. This is done by examining the ideas and interests behind the moves towards stronger bilateral ties between the two states.

Neo-Ottomanists and Neoconservatives: A Strange Alignment in the 1990s

Fri, 01 Jan 2016 14:20:00 GMT

In a curious and hitherto largely overlooked episode, the revisionist “neo-Ottomanist” ambitions of King Hussein of Jordan and Turgut Özal of Turkey converged during the 1990s with the interests of an influential group of “neoconservatives” centered in Washington to press for a radical redrawing of the Near Eastern political and territorial map. Due to a combination of material and normative limitations, neither Hussein’s nor Özal’s ambitions materialized, but the common central elements of their visions –a rejection of the nation-state system imposed on the region after the Ottoman Empire’s collapse; the evocation instead of past imperial greatness, updated to reflect contemporary democratic norms; and a style of rule characterized by a cosmopolitan and accommodating realpolitik– constitute an alternative to rival (authoritarian secular-nationalist, liberal, militant Islamist) prescriptions for the region’s future at a time when the erosion of the post-Ottoman status quo continues to accelerate.

The Relation between Identity and Security: A Comparative Study on Kosovo and Macedonia

Fri, 01 Jan 2016 14:10:00 GMT

As a concept, identity and security are deeply intertwined on many different levels. The relationship between identity and security evokes structural correlation and identity necessitates security. In this context, both the security of identity and the identity of the security are explored. The constructivist approach, which attaches significance to “social construction” and “interaction” in International Politics, claims that the meanings that are given by the traditional theories to the concepts of security and foreign policy must be reconsidered. This paper is an attempt to interpret the effect of identity perceptions on security as a means to avert conflicts and security threats. The aim is to provide an identity based explanation to security problems. In the study, Macedonia and Kosovo are chosen as case studies. The findings propose improved solutions to security problems and contribute knowledge applicable to other similar security threats.

The Securitization of the Uyghur Question and Its Challenges

Fri, 01 Jan 2016 14:00:00 GMT

The Crisis of the Uyghur problem has transformed into a key element of China’s overall national politics, identity politics, international image, national security perception, and relations with the Islamic world. No effort has been undertaken toward discussion of the issue or recognition of the existence of a problem. The region and its population continue to be perceived as a threat to the Chinese State. Because of this, Uyghur communities have become alienated from the state, and tension between Uyghurs and Han Chinese has escalated. The Uyghur issue has begun to grow into a geopolitical and strategic problem for the emerging economic power and regional ambitions of China. The first step for the solution is only possible if China changes its approach to the issue and relieves its security based approach to the problem.

Latin America in the Global Political Economy: Association, Adaptation and Resistance

Fri, 01 Jan 2016 12:04:00 GMT

During the last several years, Latin America has been presented as a complex and enduring interaction between social forces and anti-hegemonic attempts from particular nation-states to resist the expansion of the market-based global political economy. The emergence of the New-Left, the increasing role of social movements, and the development of a new strategic regionalism as exemplified by the Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our America (ALBA), have all played a key role in supporting a counter-hegemonic vision of Latin America. These factors has pushed for a post-neoliberal path grounded on a new role of the state not only as market regulator, but also as a social and economic actor, thus limiting the scope of the transnational companies –including those who are close to the U.S. interests-, opening new spaces for national businessmen and, empowering actors from popular and minority strata.

Formation of the Turkish Nation-State, 1920-1938

Fri, 01 Jan 2016 12:25:00 GMT

Yeşim Bayar’s Formation of the Turkish Nation-State, 1920-1938, an adaptation of the author’s doctoral dissertation, is a strong introduction to several topics that dominated official Turkish thought in the 1920s and 1930s. Even though the book’s title suggests a comprehensive analysis, Bayar focuses on three primary issues: language, education, and citizenship. All three are discussed in relation to the manner in which the early Turkish Republic’s elites employed them in order to mold their new society. The author’s essential aim is to situate the Turkish experience in the literature on nationalism and nation-state formation.

Ally: My Journey across the American-Israeli Divide

Fri, 01 Jan 2016 12:58:00 GMT

Given that we are approaching the end of his administration, President Obama’s American foreign policy has increasingly and critically been written about in a number of books. One of the most recent examples was written by Michael B. Oren, an Israeli historian, now-politician, but most importantly, the Israeli ambassador to the United States during 2009-13. In Ally: My Journey across the American-Israeli Divide, Oren chronicles his years as an ambassador in Washington and narrates the problems between the United States and Israel in this period while briefly talking about his academic and personal life as well as his political career at the beginning and end of the book respectively.

Capricious Borders: Minority, Population, and Counter-conduct between Greece and Turkey

Fri, 01 Jan 2016 13:07:00 GMT

Olga Demetriou’s work explores the relationship between state power and the Muslims of Western Thrace, Greece’s border region with Turkey. It traces the process of minoritization of the region’s Muslim population by observing changing government policies and exploring how they interact with people’s lives. Drawing on ethnographic fieldwork conducted in and around the town of Komotini, the book’s primary focus lies in how these developments shape(d) people’s everyday lived experience.

Muslims and Jews in France: History of a Conflict

Fri, 01 Jan 2016 13:13:00 GMT

The Israeli-Palestinian conflict has been, to a certain extent, shaping not just the relations between Israel and Muslim-majority countries but also the nature of the relationship between Jews and Muslims in the diaspora. In fact, many people tend to see the Israeli-Palestinian conflict as the only noteworthy factor that forms Jewish-Muslim relations in the diaspora –thanks to the Western media that have been relentlessly selling this narrative of conflict.

Depicting the Veil: Transnational Sexism and the War on Terror

Fri, 01 Jan 2016 13:19:00 GMT

In Depicting the Veil, Robin Lee Riley examines a critical and often overlooked effect of September 11th, 2001: the Western media’s portrayal of Afghan and Iraqi women. Riley argues that U.S. policy and, consequently, the media, portray Afghan and Iraqi “women (and indeed all women believed correctly or incorrectly by the Western media to be Muslim) as weak and in need of rescuing, and simultaneously as mysterious, dangerous, and evil” through transnational sexism.

Ottomans Imagining Japan: East, Middle East, and Non-Western Modernity at the Turn of the Twentieth Century

Fri, 01 Jan 2016 13:28:00 GMT

The division of the world into the “West and the “East” continues to exert substantial influence on the way we see, understand, and talk about the world even in the twenty-first century when globalization has certainly pulled different parts of the world closer than ever.

The Young Turks and the Boycott Movement: Nationalism, Protest and the Working Classes in the Formation of Modern Turkey

Fri, 01 Jan 2016 13:34:00 GMT

The Young Turks and the Boycott Movement of Y. Doğan Çetinkaya represents valuable insight into three boycott movements that took place during the Second constitutional period. The author places them in the mass politics context, which started with the CUP period when society, unlike previous periods, became more actively involved in politics.

Why the West Fears Islam: An Exploration of Muslims in Liberal Democracy

Fri, 01 Jan 2016 13:39:00 GMT

In Why the West Fears Islam, Jocelyne Cesari explores, analyzes, and compares the state of affairs of Muslims in France, the UK, the Netherlands, Germany, and the USA. The book examines issues of Muslim identities in these countries, probes into the ugly thicket of prejudice and resentment that considerable segments of the dominant population, the media, and many politicians harbor against Muslims, and discusses Muslim civic engagement and participation.

Late Modernity, Individualization and Socialism: An Associational Critique of Neoliberalism

Fri, 01 Jan 2016 13:55:00 GMT

Late Modernity, Individualization and Socialism brings together three much discussed and seemingly incompatible concepts in its title. According to Dawson, this seeming incompatibility among late modernity, individualization, and socialism stems from a limited understanding of these concepts.

Law, State, and Society in Modern Iran: Constitutionalism, Autocracy, and Legal Reform, 1906-1941

Fri, 01 Jan 2016 13:59:00 GMT

Like the neighboring Ottoman Empire, Iran escaped foreign rule in the age of imperialism. Its continued sovereignty notwithstanding, European powers did not treat Iran as an equal. The most visible manifestation of the country’s subaltern status in the international society of states were the so-called capitulations, imposed treaties in which Iran (like the Ottoman Empire) exempted the subjects of foreign countries from its own jurisdiction, without securing a similar treatment for its own subjects from the other side.