The Trouble Triangle: Islamophobia, Neoliberalism, and the Construction of Muslim Identity as “Other”

Introduction

Numerous studies¹ conducted in the ten years after 9/11 have proven that Islamophobia –a term used to describe prejudice² toward Muslims– has become a frequent element in many countries. As a result, Muslims have been demonized³ and exposed to prejudice in many ways.⁴ Although the involvement of far-right organizations and sensationalist media in spreading Islamophobia has received a lot of attention, mainstream politicians have also contributed to the spread of Islamophobia.⁵ Scholarly research⁶ has demonstrated that Islamophobia, anti-Muslim racism, and stereotypes of Muslims as undesirable have been strengthened by neoliberalism in various settings, especially in the West.⁷ Not much is spoken about the additional effects of neoliberal ideology on how Muslim (immigrant) groups are perceived⁸ and (dis)integrated into environments where they are a minority.⁹

In the flashback, French Orientalist Etienne Dinet’s 1922 article is where the term “Islamophobia” first appeared.¹⁰ Following that, it became widely used in the 1990s to characterize prejudice toward Muslims residing in the West.¹¹ For instance, in a 1994 study titled A Very Light Sleeper: The Persistence and Dangers of Anti-Semitism, released by Runnymede Trust,¹² the first non-Muslim British confessor of Islamophobia was made.¹³ The phrase “Islamophobia” has been used increasingly often in the years that have followed.

Islamophobia is a real phenomenon in society,¹⁴ it is not just a theory. Muslims face a wide range of discriminatory practices worldwide, including acts of violence, word-based discrimination, and discriminatory regulations.¹⁵ The French government officially outlawed the wearing of niqabs in 2011.¹⁶ Francois Fillon, the Prime Minister of France at the time, issued a decree forbidding women from wearing headscarves in public places.¹⁷ Niqab prohibitions aside, instances of Islamophobia have even resulted in fatalities.¹⁸ The fatal shooting of three Muslim boys in Chapel Hill, California, in 2015 stunned the public.¹⁹ Muslims were once again taken aback when they learned of the massacres that occurred in two mosques in New Zealand two years later.²⁰ In this tragic event, at least 50 people who were praying there lost their lives.²¹ There is a viewpoint that claims Orientalist researchers’ research is the root cause of Islamophobia.²² Instead, Orientalists employ a Western viewpoint that is motivated by a missionary mindset while studying Islam.²³ This viewpoint leads to inaccurate research into Islam itself, creating the impression that Orientalist studies are the source of Islamophobia.²⁴

According to a different viewpoint,²⁵ the commercialization of hatred against Islam is the catalyst for the emergence of Islamophobia. The profit-driven commercialization of Islam is derived from a dislike of it.²⁶ Western newspapers,²⁷ news networks,²⁸ and internet sources are instances of how commercialization exists.²⁹ These media outlets disseminate hateful content about Islam in an effort to encourage the growth of Islamophobia.³⁰ Islam is perceived by neoliberals as a grave threat.³¹ The precepts of Islam impede their ability to stay in power. As a result, neoliberals utilize phrases like “good Muslims”³² and “bad Muslims”³³ to create a dichotomy against Muslims. The “nice Muslim” image paints a picture of a society that is compliant with many neoliberal narratives.³⁴ In the meantime, the epithet “bad Muslim” denotes a lack of objectivity regarding neoliberalism. As a result, there is a bad connotation that incites hostility. This tendency ends up being the cause of the rise of Islamophobia. This study seeks to critically analyze, characterize, and explain Islamophobia in connection to the above definition, as well as how it is related to neoliberalism. The term “Islamophobia” refers to a strong dislike or bias toward Muslims, a deep fear or hate of Islam, especially as a political force, and the study of how and to what degree the media propagates. There will be sufficient presentation of additional elements that collaborate with neoliberalism to foster the expansion and development of Islamophobia. However, this research also presents how Muslims express their opinions in response to the increasingly important topic of Islamophobia.

Islamophobia Occurrence

The anti-Islamic rhetoric, which propagates the idea that Islam is violent,³⁵ corrupt,³⁶ dishonest,³⁷ despotic,³⁸ and perverted, has grown exponentially in Western Europe in recent years.³⁹ As a result, Muslims are portrayed as radicalized,⁴⁰ fanatical, primitive, archaic, and uncivilized.⁴¹ Consequently, there has been violence, prejudice, monitoring, and public profiling against the Muslim community both domestically⁴² and as immigrants, especially seen in the quickly spreading trends in the U.S. and the UK.⁴³ The antipathy of the West toward Islam and Muslims is not a recent phenomenon,⁴⁴ rather, its roots can be found in the Middle Ages.⁴⁵ There are numerous examples and indications that the Crusades and Europe’s imperialist endeavors were significant historical crossroads between the West and Islam, encounters that resulted in exaggerated stereotypes and caricatures of a violent Islam.⁴⁶

Neoliberals utilize phrases like “good Muslims” and “bad Muslims” to create a dichotomy against Muslims. The “nice Muslim” image paints a picture of a society that is compliant with many neoliberal narratives

According to Beydoun,⁴⁷ Islamophobia is a master narrative that portrays Islam as the antithesis of Western culture. Latif ⁴⁸ contends that the word “Islamophobia” came from the Crusades, which were religious wars fought by the Christian Latin Church in the 11^th and 13^th centuries against the Muslim world. Said⁴⁹ draws a parallel between this speech and the defensive responses of Christian Orientals who were duped by the newly founded Islamic caliphate; however, Iqbal⁵⁰ claims that it all began in 1312 when the Council of Vienna agreed to grant seats in European institutions to speakers of Oriental languages. This reminds us of the circumstances in the early 7^thcentury, when Islam unexpectedly spread around the world, threatening European dominance, shifting the balance of power, overthrowing established empires, and creating new international standards.⁵¹ Not only did the early Muslims jeopardize the pre-Islamic Christian narrative of Christianity being declared a state religion in North Africa, Spain, and the Levant, but they also endangered their standing in the newly emerging world.⁵²

On the other hand, Yaseen Gada⁵³ argues that Islamophobia occurred with Pope Urban’s Crusade in 1095, which signaled the beginning of Islam’s transformation into the standard, necessary, global adversary. The socio-political climate in 11^th-century Europe was extremely bleak, and the pope required an adversary to deflect rival factions⁵⁴ and assert and uphold his papal dominance by bringing the Greek and Latin churches back together in the East.⁵⁵ Pope Urban II skillfully turned a request to aid the Byzantine Empire in its fight against the Muslims into a chance to further his goals.⁵⁶ The Muslim was shown as hostile. When referring to Islam and the Muslims as evil or an alien species invading their territories,⁵⁷ Pope Urban II created and used a variety of symbolic and theological weapons to denigrate Islam and the Muslims. This similar conversation has persisted into the modern era. Today, religion and political ideology have similar roles to play.

Most of the negative portrayals of Islam throughout history have been driven by Western conceptions of Muslims as political and religious adversaries; in the current era, however, political justifications have progressively supplanted theological ones

According to Tolan,⁵⁸ most of the negative portrayals of Islam throughout history have been driven by Western conceptions of Muslims as political and religious adversaries; in the current era, however, political justifications have progressively supplanted theological ones. In actuality, religious considerations were not always the primary driving forces for the Crusades.⁵⁹ Furthermore, the current discourse against Islam is so potent that it has warped Western perceptions of the Muslim world⁶⁰ and its culture to the point where the creative⁶¹ and ingenuity of the great Muslim minds – which a significant portion of Western scholarship still recognizes– have been obscured.⁶² Since historical records show that Christians were hostile to Muslims long before Pope Urban II preached the Crusades, dating back to the 7^th and 9^th centuries, this antagonism was rather mild. The middle of the 9^th century saw a change in it.⁶³ According to Bazian,⁶⁴ rather, the Christian experience in Muslim-ruled and Orthodox Byzantium contributed to the development of a later Western anti-Islamic rhetoric that was largely unrelated to the real words, deeds, and beliefs of Muslims.⁶⁵ What eventually resulted was an inflexible and enduring body of polemical and apologetic writings, defensive in character and mostly focused on demeaning Islam, deterring Christians from converting, and generally demeaning Arabization.⁶⁶

Before the Crusades began in the late 11^th century, Christian hostility toward Muslims had primarily lessened.⁶⁷ Muslims were still mostly a homogenous experience in the eyes of the general public;⁶⁸ they were neither an enemy-in-waiting nor a threat to the continued existence of Christendom.⁶⁹ A significant shift started when the Crusades were launched. Pope Urban II solidified the idea that Muslims are the source of Christian hostility.⁷⁰ At this historical juncture, Muslims emerged as the primary adversaries of Christianity and Christendom,⁷¹ with the Muslim world transforming into the social Antichrist and the antithetical system.⁷² It is shown that the creation of the idea that Muslims are an adversary, an alien and terrible race, was necessary for the Crusades to occur.⁷³ Ironically, the Crusades brought Muslims and Christians together via cross-cultural interaction, which may have aided in the advancement of Western European culture. Penn⁷⁴ continues, saying that “the history of anti-Islamic discourse, which is at the center of the European imagination, is actually the history of European history.”

According to James Carr,⁷⁵ several myths about Muslims from the 7^th to the 16^th century portray them as heretics and unbelievers, as well as posing an existential danger to Christianity. Muslims were portrayed throughout the Crusades as being filthy and inferior,⁷⁶ licentious and barbarous,⁷⁷ dumb and foolish,⁷⁸ grotesque and ugly,⁷⁹ zealous and aggressive.⁸⁰ The prevailing elites in Europe at the time used these portrayals of Islam as an existential threat and Muslims as God’s enemies to justify the Crusades and their own political goals,⁸¹ which included consolidating their own power through the development of a shared European Christian identity both at home and abroad.⁸² Later on in this period, the Reconquista of al-Andalus and the year 1492 in particular, are also mentioned as turning points in the historical narrative that portrayed Muslims as the “other” who needed to be eliminated from the then-emerging imagined European, “us.”⁸³ Furthermore, individuals who fear and detest Muslims do not fit into a single type;⁸⁴ rather, they support this animosity across a range of political and cultural situations and do so for a number of reasons.⁸⁵ Because of its complexity and diversity of phenomena, scholars, analysts, and politicians read about the Crusades not only to piece together an account of what happened but also to consider medieval attitudes toward the Orient and the implications this had for the future of relations between Islam and Christianity.⁸⁶

Study Design

The following study employed a quantitative method to analyze Carr’s⁸⁷ Islamophobic and neoliberalism theory, U.S. funding sources for Islamophobic content (2009-2011), six prominent international press media analyses (2014-2017), and the latest OIC⁸⁸ report analysis on Islamophobia. The number of scholarly articles addressing Islamophobia has expanded along with interest in the topic since 9/11. Nonetheless, the discipline has been dominated by theoretical expositions. The lived experiences of Islamophobia, on the other hand, have not gotten much attention. This research, which places daily accounts of anti-Muslim racism in a global perspective, offers theoretically informed assessments in acknowledgment of how critical it is to rectify this imbalance. In light of this, this study makes the case that Muslims might be actively sought after and methodically organized in nations with a large Muslim population, where neoliberal economies profit from their distinctiveness. This paper demonstrates that neoliberal restructuring has been crucial to the growth of trade relations with the Islamic world and, consequently, to the emergence of demands for Muslim expertise, service providers, and workers in both countries. It does this by drawing on conceptualizations of neoliberal utility/necessity perspectives on immigrants as well as assemblage thinking. It illustrates how Muslim identities have been methodically put together to satisfy these expectations, and it also shows how these assemblages are constrained by primarily –though not solely neoliberal logics. Ultimately, the study demonstrates how many of the assembly procedures and logics are comparable in the two contexts and probably exist elsewhere. Different local conditions cause their impacts to diverge. The results suggest that there are complicated and spatially varying relationships between neoliberal ideology and how Muslims are perceived and (dis)integrated in Muslim-minority situations, and that these relationships merit closer scholarly examination. Based on the results, this article recommends that future studies on how Muslims and the Islamic world are portrayed should pay more attention to neoliberal ideology (and how it interacts with orientalism and Islamophobia).

The Nature of Islamophobia

According to Beydoun,⁸⁹ Islamophobia is an Orientalist myth that the U.S. founding fathers propagated in an effort to steal the riches of Muslims and to ethnically cleanse white people while also undermining the value of the dollar. Beydoun asserts,⁹⁰ the War on Terror, which was initiated in reaction to the 9/11 terrorist attacks, is really an extension of the Crusades and permits the persecution of the 2 billion Muslims worldwide for a variety of imperial or political objectives. Carr and Hayness⁹¹ define Islamophobia as the act of excluding Muslims from the majority society, which in turn leads to acts of prejudice. Based on these two points of view, it can be said that Islamophobia is a type of racism against Islam that takes the shape of prejudice. Islamophobia exists as a genuine and observable phenomenon in society; it is not merely a theoretical concept⁹². Muslims worldwide face a wide range of discriminatory practices, including physical acts of violence as well as verbal abuse.⁹³ Numerous reports about violence against Muslims as a result of Islamophobia are released each year.⁹⁴ This persecution affects not just individual Muslims but also a sizable portion of the Muslim population.⁹⁵ It is possible to monitor the progression of incidents of violence caused by Islamophobia by consulting reports released by various organizations.⁹⁶

Islamophobia is a type of racism against Islam that takes the shape of prejudice

The United Nations is the largest international organization in the world, the OIC coming in second.⁹⁷ This group releases an annual report outlining the real rise in Islamophobic discriminatory activities. In addition to the OIC, the Foundation for Political, Economic, and Social Research (SETA Founations) is another organization that disseminates reports on Islamophobia.⁹⁸ SETA is a well-known non-profit research organization that conducts cutting-edge research on local, national, and global concerns. Under the term “European Islamophobia Report,” or EIR as it is frequently shortened, this organization publishes an annual report detailing the progression of incidents of Islamophobia that take place throughout Europe. The EIR was released regularly between 2015⁹⁹ and 2021.¹⁰⁰ The Muslim Public Affairs Council and the Council on American-Islamic Relations (CAIR) are two other groups that concentrate on studies pertaining to Islamophobia.

There are still incidents of Islamophobia reported each year. In France, it was made illegal for educators to wear the hijab in 2003.¹⁰¹ On the other hand, there were no formal guidelines governing this ban. In France in 2010, there was a widespread fear about wearing the niqab.¹⁰² Furthermore, the French Parliament’s leaders in both Houses and President Nicolas Sarkozy were ardent supporters of the prohibition of the niqab. The ban is based on the belief that the niqab endangers women’s rights, public safety, and French secularism.¹⁰³ The formal imposition of the ban on the wearing of niqabs in 2011 marked the culmination of events.¹⁰⁴ French Prime Minister Francois Fillon issued an order prohibiting women from donning the headscarf in any public setting.¹⁰⁵ Islamophobia manifests itself not just in the form of laws prohibiting the wearing of niqabs but also in other ways, including verbal abuse, physical assaults, and, in extreme circumstances, the taking of human lives.¹⁰⁶

Islamophobia manifests itself not just in the form of laws prohibiting the wearing of niqabs but also in other ways, including verbal abuse, physical assaults, and, in extreme circumstances, the taking of human lives

The fatal shooting of three Muslim boys in Chapel Hill, California, in 2015, stunned the public. Muslims were once again taken aback when they learned of the massacres that occurred in two mosques in New Zealand two years later.¹⁰⁷ At least 50 people who were praying there lost their lives in this tragic occurrence. During the same year, there was a lot of talk about how the Chinese government was persecuting Uyghurs.¹⁰⁸ The Uyghurs are a minority of Turkish Muslims who reside in Northwest China, where they are native. Abuse of the Uyghur people might take the form of physical or psychological prejudice. Regarding employment prospects and educational chances, Uyghurs are treated unfairly. Furthermore, the Uyghur population is frequently persecuted.¹⁰⁹ Uyghurs are tortured by first being forcibly arrested and then being subjected to camp abuse. The Chinese government uses the justification that the camps are for reeducation rather than torture, if foreigners inquire about them.¹¹⁰

Despite what the Chinese government says, there have really been a number of violent incidents in the camps when Uyghur Muslims are made to drink alcohol and eat pork against their will.¹¹¹ Furthermore, the Chinese government, where the bulk of the population is communist, harbors Islamophobia, which is the cause of the discriminatory actions against the Uyghur people. As justification, authorities refer to Uyghur incarceration camps as “hospitals.”¹¹² According to Chinese officials, there is an “Islamic disease” affecting the Uyghur population. Additionally, to avoid causing controversy abroad regarding its alleged prejudice against the Uyghur people, the Chinese government concealed the camps’ existence.¹¹³ On the other hand, the Rohingya people in Myanmar are also subjected to discrimination against Muslims.¹¹⁴

In 2018, reports of violent incidents involving Rohingya Muslims started to surface in public. An investigation by Canada discovered that the Myanmar military’s persecution of Rohingya Muslims qualified as genocidal acts. As a result, the Canadian government asked the UN to take proactive measures. According to a report released by the United Nations investigative department in the same year, Myanmar had committed genocide against the Rohingya people. When Myanmar was sued by the International Court of Justice (ICJ) in 2019 for genocide, this case was only getting started. The ICJ overwhelmingly mandated Myanmar’s government to address the Rohingya genocide issue in 2020.¹¹⁵ However, Islamophobic incidents persisted until 2022, as seen in Figure 1, a graphic included in The 11^st OIC Report on Islamophobia: December 2020-January 2022. The graph suggests that there were a variety of Islamophobic incidents.

Figure 1: Manifestation per Type/Continent

Source: OIC¹¹⁶

Police personnel were the targets of prejudice, as well as acts of physical and verbal abuse.¹¹⁷ Instances falling under this last category have peaked in nations across Europe.¹¹⁸ Latin America has the lowest rate of Islamophobia incidents when compared to other continents.¹¹⁹ As the foregoing summary makes clear, there is no consistent pattern to Islamophobic incidents. Muslims are susceptible to prejudice and oppression at any time and wherever.¹²⁰

The rising number of incidents of Islamophobia undoubtedly draws condemnation from Muslims. Rather than merely keeping quiet, Muslims actively work to counter them, and there are several ways to resist. Scholars¹²¹ work to dispel the myths about Islam and Muslims held by people who encourage Islamophobia. As part of their efforts, they have published several books and magazines to reframe people’s misconceptions about Islam.¹²² Apart from literary compositions, diplomatic endeavors such as those carried out by the OIC resulted in the United Nations declaring March 15 as the World Anti-Islamophobia Day.¹²³ Because it is viewed as an illogical issue, Islamophobia is not just condemned by Muslims but also by many non-Muslims. The majority of these people are academics, authors, and researchers who oppose Islamophobia in written works as well as in spoken discourses. One such example is Karen Armstrong,¹²⁴ a prolific author of books on Islam. Furthermore, James Carr argues in Experiences of Islamophobia that neoliberalism functions as a key driver in the production and normalization of Islamophobia. Building on this, Islamophobia can be understood as a broader social phenomenon that shapes attitudes across communities, while disproportionately producing harmful and unsettling consequences for Muslims.¹²⁵

Approaches to Neoliberalism

Liberalism is the foundation of neoliberalism. Adam Smith¹²⁶ wrote The Wealth of Nations in 1776, promoting liberalism. He believes that the greatest approach to grow a nation’s economy is to allow for unrestricted commerce and manufacturing without interference from the government. Smith¹²⁷ thought that the concept of “magic hands,” or unseen hands, would bring about equilibrium on its own. Then, as a result of this independence, company freedom and competitiveness would also be greatly enhanced, leading to capital owners competing to maximize profits.¹²⁸ The term “neoliberalism” first surfaced in print around 1930.¹²⁹ Neoliberalism is a philosophy that aims to strengthen powerful nations, business owners, and managers, and capitalism to increase market reach.¹³⁰ According to David Harvey,¹³¹ neoliberalism is a philosophy that prioritizes respect for private property systems, free markets, and free commerce as a means of ensuring individual freedom and independence. Adopting neoliberalism implies that the free market and individual liberty come first, even taking precedence over the role of the state. In addition, David Harvey’s¹³² research distinguishes between two designs for neoliberalism. To begin with, neoliberalism is described as an idealistic endeavor to actualize the theoretical blueprint for restructuring global capitalism. Secondly, it is possible to view neoliberalism as a political endeavor aimed at reconstructing the parameters of capital accumulation and reinstating the authority of the economic elites. In practical application, the design of neoliberalism as a political enterprise takes precedence over these two views.¹³³ Neoliberalization has done a remarkable job of restoring,¹³⁴ or in some cases, building the authority of the economic elites, as it has done in China and Russia, but it has been less successful in reviving global capital accumulation.

Neoliberalization has done a remarkable job of restoring, or in some cases, building the authority of the economic elites, as it has done in China and Russia, but it has been less successful in reviving global capital accumulation

After that, David Harvey¹³⁵ outlines the traits of neoliberal nations, starting with the implementation of commodification and privatization. Even now, one of the defining characteristics of neoliberalism is the privatization of public assets.¹³⁶ Among the strategic businesses being privatized are those that support the interests of the general public,¹³⁷ such as hospitals, schools, and national power suppliers. Public utilities have been privatized in a few neoliberalist nations, following the U.S. example.¹³⁸ The transportation, social welfare, telecommunications, and water supply industries have all been impacted by privatization. A nation’s support for robust private property rights is indicated by the fact that it has privatized. Financialization is another aspect of neoliberalism that relates to privatization (see Figure 2 for the neoliberalism-societies connection). A pattern of accumulation known as financialization occurs when the profit from financial flow exceeds the profit from commerce and the production of commodities. The capital owners just think about profit and money when doing anything.¹³⁹ A number of illegal tactics are taken into consideration as legitimate means of obtaining funds.¹⁴⁰ The best method to boost economic growth, according to this perspective, is for the government to let the market function without distortion or unrestricted competition. It implies that private businesses must be exempt from government interference, regardless of the social effects that may arise.¹⁴¹

Figure 2: Neoliberalism’s Connections With Society

Source: Created by the author

After 1980, when the neoliberal ideology started to take shape,¹⁴² for instance, in the U.S., there was a significant financialization surge.¹⁴³ This was demonstrated by the entire daily turnover of financial transactions on global markets, which peaked in 1981 at $130 billion after reaching $2.3 billion in 1983.¹⁴⁴ The large sum was acquired in a number of ways, including by engaging in actions that were illegal in the state.¹⁴⁵ Developing capitalist nations have engaged in debt peonage, corporate fraud, asset confiscation –a practice that entails the theft of pension funds, and other forms of fraud, which have been made worse by the collapse of equities and businesses.¹⁴⁶ The handling and manipulation of crises is the next feature of neoliberalism. Crises are considered opportunities for neoliberals.¹⁴⁷Crisis management is a means of raising capital. But this means of getting paid isn’t always carried out openly and honestly. They frequently deceive people by offering them attractive promises to provide them money as a guarantee for them to be exploited, but in reality, it’s just an attempt to earn gains for themselves. This is known as a “debt trap.” For instance, the International Monetary Fund (IMF)-driven¹⁴⁸ financial liberalization could hasten the largest-ever peaceful transfer of domestic assets to foreign owners in the past 50 years worldwide, surpassing the volume of transfers from domestic owners to U.S. owners in Latin America during the 1980s or in Mexico after 1994. Neoliberalism’s inherent risk is that it will ultimately cause the wealth gap between the affluent and the poor to increase.¹⁴⁹

Following the adoption of neoliberalism, the nation assumes the primary role in the implementation of redistributive policies

State redistribution is the fourth feature of neoliberalism.¹⁵⁰ Following the adoption of neoliberalism, the nation assumes the primary role in the implementation of redistributive policies.¹⁵¹ A redistributive policy is one that controls how wealth, income, ownership, or rights are distributed from the higher to the lower class.¹⁵² For instance, tax laws have a significant impact on the announced privatization, according to neoliberals.¹⁵³ The nation’s policy has to be changed if the current one impedes the flow of money. Everything that might hinder the flow of capital needs to be eliminated. A nation that adopts neoliberal ideology is shaped by these four factors.¹⁵⁴ Upon observation, the four aforementioned traits appear to favor specific groups solely, as the state no longer has the ultimate power.¹⁵⁵ The free market is the ultimate authority. Because neoliberalism supports the right-wing dictatorship, this is possible. Thus, it follows that everyone has the right to make their own decisions.¹⁵⁶ The government is actually powerless to infringe upon this liberty. It is quite legitimate for the neoliberals to carry out privatization and commodification. It cannot be prohibited by the state. Similar to this, the state has no authority to become involved if neoliberals seek to control, manipulate, and redistribute.¹⁵⁷

Connection between Islamophobia and Neoliberalism

One Irish academic who does a thorough analysis of the relationship between Islamophobia and neoliberalism is James Carr. According to Carr,¹⁵⁸ the rise of neoliberalism has shaped how the public views Islam. He considered the discourse of Michel Foucault’s¹⁵⁹ regime of truth to be connected to both neoliberalism and public perception. The language used by the government to shape society’s notions of reality is known as the regime of truth. Harvey’s¹⁶⁰ assertion is consistent with James Carr’s¹⁶¹ explanation that neoliberalism is a political endeavor. According to Carr,¹⁶² neoliberalism is an all-encompassing political movement that views the market as the template for the government and for how society is organized as a whole. According to Arbiyanti,¹⁶³ there are good reasons for the idea that neoliberalism is a political endeavor. The free market is seen by neoliberalism as the best model for how a nation should be run. The ideal situation is one in which people have the freedom to decide for themselves without interference from the state. This explains neoliberalism as a political vision that aims to administer the nation in the same manner as a free market encourages personal freedom.

Neoliberalism is characterized as a dominant ideology by James Carr. ¹⁶⁴The philosophy of the neoliberals is to be adopted by all. According to them, the degree to which a society’s neoliberal worldview is uniform is a sign of its level of success. In the same vein, Waikar¹⁶⁵ argues that, in order for neoliberalism to remain dominant and even grow, it must identify and criticize belief systems as ideological outsiders that require emancipation. In other words, neoliberalism must resist a constitutive other to be dominant.¹⁶⁶ In the name of “progress and modernity,” the neoliberal drive to neo-liberalize this inferior “other” itself becomes its target.¹⁶⁷ Neoliberalism must present itself as an ideology that is more powerful and superior to other ideologies to sustain itself and expand.¹⁶⁸ Neoliberalism, therefore, considers other ideas to be inferior to its own. Therefore, the superior neoliberalist ideology must take the place of these lesser ideals. According to neoliberalism, society cannot be peaceful and its well-being cannot be assured without this philosophy.¹⁶⁹ Neoliberals believe that any values that do not align with neoliberalism should be eradicated, especially those held by non-Western races worldwide. This is a result of neoliberals’ desire for mental uniformity in society.¹⁷⁰

Islam, on the other hand, adheres to different values and ideologies from neoliberalism. According to James Carr,¹⁷¹ Islam is therefore seen as a threat to the advancement of neoliberalism since Muslims are seen as endangering the security and continuation of its homogeneous norms. The Runnymede Trust¹⁷² provided a clearer explanation of the belief that Islam poses a threat in 1997. According to this report,¹⁷³ Islam and Muslims are portrayed as the adversary, posing a serious threat to “us” and “our liberties.” Racialized claims about the supposed historically and geographically unchangeable, monolithic nature of Muslimness, with its concomitant sexism, savagery, atavism, and woeful self-governance, are fundamental to the discursive conceptions of Muslims as the “other” (see Figure 3). These attributes are considered fundamental to Islam and, consequently, to every Muslim,¹⁷⁴ even in the face of numerous subjective realities that exist in Muslim majority and minority countries around the world.¹⁷⁵

Muslims are seen as adversaries of freedom under neoliberalism. This is due to the perception that Islamic doctrines have a poor political structure,¹⁷⁶ are atavistic, repressive, and do not stress individual freedom like neoliberalism.¹⁷⁷ In addition to wanting their ideology to spread around the world, neoliberals also want to hold onto power. One of the hallmarks of financialization, or neoliberalism, is undoubtedly the maintenance of power.¹⁷⁸ Neoliberals themselves will become increasingly wealthy as long as this dominance is maintained. The goal of bolstering the corporate, cultural, and economic spheres is to maintain power.¹⁷⁹ Iraq is one instance of a nation that is the subject of research on the implementation of neoliberalist ideology.¹⁸⁰ This nation is employed as a test subject for the destruction of its political, social-economic, and cultural systems. The goal of the project is to introduce neoliberalism into many facets of its statehood. Neoliberalism’s products sustain its dominance in the commercial, cultural, and economic spheres.¹⁸¹ In terms of the economy, neoliberals want international banking supervision to be accessible to non-neoliberal nations. Neoliberals favor privatization and simplified international corporate regulation in the business sphere. In addition to wanting to dominate business and the economy, neoliberals also aim to impose cultural constraints through cultural cleansing.¹⁸² The term “cultural cleansing” refers to the eradication of civilizations other than Western culture, which is seen as promoting the expansion and advancement of neoliberalism.¹⁸³ The attempt to reset civilizations so that everyone adopts Western customs is known as “cultural cleaning.”¹⁸⁴ One aspect of Western culture is clothing; take the headscarf worn by Muslim women, for example.¹⁸⁵ According to Eid,¹⁸⁶ the hijab is seen by Westerners as an oppressive measure against women’s rights and their ability to choose how they want to be clothed. The hijab is perceived as something that undermines the unity of Western countries.¹⁸⁷ However, a person’s religious dedication is not always expressed by donning a headscarf or hijab.¹⁸⁸ The hijab is a means by which Muslim women can express their cultural identity,¹⁸⁹ even if the manner in which they wear it varies depending on historical and cultural contexts.¹⁹⁰ Being a trendy Muslim lady may be attained by combining a variety of looks and accessories; thus, dressing immodestly is not necessary. ¹⁹¹The traditional hijab has been transformed by Muslim women into a cutting-edge fashion statement that expresses their self-awareness.¹⁹² In the meantime, the debate over what constitutes modest Islamic attire sheds light on the individuals who adhere to religious precepts the most closely. Wearing a hijab is a way for Muslims to carry out their religious obligation.¹⁹³

By restricting the Muslim identity to two extremes, a good Muslim and a terrible Muslim, those who adhere to neoliberalism perpetuate a contradiction against Muslims

There are two stages neoliberals use to scale up their efforts of cultural cleansing. First, unifying culture denotes the West’s attempt to establish a new benchmark for cultural behavior.¹⁹⁴ Neoliberalism will undoubtedly continue to grow with the backing of this new culture.¹⁹⁵ Neoliberals seek to establish a distinct culture that forbids the wearing of the hijab because they believe it undermines the homogeneity of the West.¹⁹⁶ Thus, there is a notion in society that wearing a hijab infringes on a woman’s independence and liberties. The depletion of intellectuals is the second attempt at cultural cleansing.¹⁹⁷ That is, there is a widespread belief that neoliberalism is an ideology adhered to by civilized people. Neoliberalism’s philosophy is referred to as the liberating philosophy of the civilized world.¹⁹⁸ It implies that individuals who consider themselves to be civilized view neoliberalism as a basis. On the other hand, those who reject neoliberalism, like Muslims, for instance, will be viewed as primitive. Muslims are viewed as inferior, strange, and uncivilized because they reject neoliberalism.¹⁹⁹

There are two broad strategies through which neoliberalism is imposed: top-down and bottom-up approaches. The top-down approach refers to the use of state power such as military intervention, political authority, or international pressure to enforce neoliberal policies from above. In contrast, the bottom-up approach involves embedding neoliberal ideas within society through local institutions, market practices, and civil society, making these policies appear natural or inevitable over time.²⁰⁰ The 2003 invasion of Iraq is one example of this. While there were particular justifications for the war in Iraq, several scholars contend that there were other causes.²⁰¹ The implementation of neoliberalist ideology is one of them. Education stimulates the bottom line if military invasions promote the top line. The purpose of this education is to instill neoliberal principles in society, particularly in schoolchildren, through classroom instruction.²⁰² By restricting the Muslim identity to two extremes, a good Muslim and a terrible Muslim, those who adhere to neoliberalism perpetuate a contradiction against Muslims.²⁰³ A good Muslim is someone who embodies neoliberal traits, such as being secular, liberal, not identifying as Muslim, and adhering to Western ideals and perspectives. These kinds of Muslims are said to refrain from bringing Islamic teachings and ideals to the public sphere, including in the areas of politics, commerce, and the economy. The “label” of “bad Muslims” is applied to the pious Muslims. ²⁰⁴Those who identify as bad Muslims are perceived as extremist Muslims who reject liberal ideals and do not embrace atheism. Those who consistently uphold Islamic law in a variety of public spheres, including politics, commerce, and economics, are considered bad Muslims. Over time, Western civilization has come to define decent Muslims based on this duality.²⁰⁵ As a result, there is a growing impression that good Muslims are those who blend in with society. Muslims who adhere to the tenets of Islamic teachings at all times, while dressing in a way that complies with Shariah law, will be viewed as threats.

The infographic highlights the rise of Islamophobia and discrimination against Muslims in Europe from 2016 to 2023. EFNAN İPŞİR / AA

According to Mamdani,²⁰⁶ different perspectives on what constitutes a good Muslim and a terrible Muslim also shape how different Muslims are treated. Neoliberals then accept Muslims who are considered “decent” Muslims. Acceptance entails an invitation to collaborate. Then, decent Muslims are portrayed in the media as the ideal representation of Muslims. In the meantime, the neoliberals denigrate Muslims and hence sow discord by labeling them negatively. This unfavorable viewpoint of Muslims as evil Muslims fuels the spread of Islamophobia. Mamdani²⁰⁷ refutes the notion that Muslims are either “good” (secular, Westernized) or “bad” (premodern, fanatical), emphasizing that these categorizations are based on political identities rather than cultural or religious ones. The assumption that “good” Muslims can be easily distinguished from “bad” Muslims conceals a lack of political understanding of the current era.

The neoliberals denigrate Muslims and hence sow discord by labeling them negatively. This unfavorable viewpoint of Muslims as evil Muslims fuels the spread of Islamophobia

The ways that Muslims are treated differently by Western culture are evident in day-to-day interactions. ²⁰⁸There are several limitations associated with carrying out Islamic-related activities,²⁰⁹such as the ban on building mosques, the manufacturing of halal food, and the donning of Islamic attire. ²¹⁰In reality, Muslim women are not allowed to wear the hijab ²¹¹in a number of European nations.²¹²The imposition of this restriction is justified by portrayals of Muslims as oppressed by their faith and in need of assistance to be set free. ²¹³In keeping with the prior assertion, the actions that give rise to Islamophobia are an expression of neoliberal ideology.²¹⁴ To be more precise, Figure 4 illustrates how neoliberalism contributes to the spread of Islamophobia. James Carr’s²¹⁵ analysis of the connection between Islamophobia and neoliberalism is interpreted in Figure 4. The idea of “good” Muslims²¹⁶ and “evil” Muslims²¹⁷ influences Islamophobia.²¹⁸ The two labels are treated differently as a result of this classification. The term “bad Muslim” is linked to other derogatory terms that arouse popular hostility,²¹⁹ such as “fanatics,”²²⁰ “opponents of liberal values,”²²¹ and “atavist.”²²² The hatred that results from this black stain subsequently shapes Islamophobia.²²³

Figure 4: Islamophobia and Neoliberalism

Source: Created by the author

Carr’s²²⁴ contention –along with the views of several other scholars, including Alana Lentin and Gavan Titley²²⁵– that a link exists between Islamophobia and neoliberalism is supported by this evidence. The prevailing racial groups worldwide are opposed to the neoliberal philosophy, according to the academics’ book. Consequently, neoliberals develop specific programs that exacerbate racism as a global problem.²²⁶ Kabel²²⁷ is another person who shares Carr’s viewpoint. He claims that there is a connection between Islamophobia and neoliberalism in his journal article, particularly concerning education. Students are taught in schools that Islam is a horrible faith, and as a result, the West is afraid of Islam. Waikar²²⁸ is another scholar who feels that Islamophobia and neoliberalism are connected. He claims that Western nations are actively attempting to persuade other nations to embrace neoliberalism. Thus, several other academics²²⁹ have also made the case that neoliberalism is crucial to the emergence of Islamophobia.

The media unavoidably plays a significant part in inciting hostility toward Islam

In addition to its link to neoliberalism,²³⁰ Islamophobia is associated with two other elements that facilitate its dissemination:²³¹ the research done by Orientalists and the problem of media commercialization of Islamophobia.²³² The study of the East, especially Islam, that is done by Westerners is known as Orientalism,²³³ and Orientalists are those from the West who study the East.²³⁴ One tactic used by the West to spread its philosophy over Muslim nations is Orientalism.²³⁵ The other two strategies are colonization and missionary work.²³⁶ According to Said,²³⁷ Orientalists conduct a dichotomy against the Arab people. When Muslims are eager to comply with requests from the West, they are referred to as good Arabs, when Muslims refuse to comply with Western requests, they are referred to as bad Arabs. This term will undoubtedly incite animosity from the general public toward Muslims, who are called terrible Arabs. Three points about all Orientalist movements are concluded by Said:²³⁸ (i) First, rather than representing the experiences and viewpoints of Eastern (Oriental) people, Orientalism predominantly represents those of Westerners; (ii) Secondly, Orientalism has led to inaccurate perceptions of Islamic and Arabic civilizations; (iii) Third, although Orientalists’ research seems impartial and objective, it frequently serves political agendas.

The commercialization of Islamophobia in the media is another problem associated with the religion.²³⁹ The media unavoidably plays a significant part in inciting hostility toward Islam.²⁴⁰ The media is a component of an industry that always has interests, both political and economic;²⁴¹ thus, it is impossible to dispute that it is extremely uncommon to find a media that can stand freely without being influenced by specific parties’ interests.²⁴² In the media, framing also occurs regularly,²⁴³ and the media facilitates the easier dissemination of all information.²⁴⁴ The dissemination of focused views on certain topics becomes more nuanced when done through the media.²⁴⁵ The revenue derived from the marketing of issues associated with Islamophobia is deemed significant.²⁴⁶ According to Bukar,²⁴⁷ based on Council on American-Islamic Relations (CAIR) data, the core of the American Islamophobic network brought in at least $119,662,719 in total revenue between 2008 and 2011.²⁴⁸ Donors who encourage Islamophobia in the community provided the funds for this amount. Daniel Pipes was one of the main sources from which Islamophobia spread. He gave $1,242,000 to the Steven Emerson Investigation Project concerning Terrorism during a three-year period through his Middle East Forum. The financial flow from David Pipes is displayed in Table 1.

Table 1: Daniel Pipes’s Donations on the Funding of Islamophobia Spread through the Middle East Forum²⁴⁹

Daniel Pipes presented a variety of monetary gifts between 2009 and 2011,²⁵⁰ with his annual contributions consistently exceeding $500,000. In addition to Pipes, a number of well-known individuals have also become philanthropists for the Islamophobia network.²⁵¹ These individuals include Aubrey Chernick, Foster Friess, Joyce, Andy Mille, and Pat Robertson.²⁵² These individuals make financial contributions to groups that work to further inner -or outer- core Islamophobia-related struggles.

Donor money is distributed over a number of platforms in an effort to incite animosity toward Islam.²⁵³ Implementing the measures involved many activities, including publishing through websites,²⁵⁴ social movements,²⁵⁵ books,²⁵⁶ movies,²⁵⁷ and podcasts.²⁵⁸ Even the Securing America TV channel and other television shows helped propagate anti-Islamic sentiment.²⁵⁹ Likewise, a number of major television programs²⁶⁰ also broadcast content that includes insults directed at Muslims.²⁶¹ Sensitive terms like jihad, radical Islam, extreme Islam, and Shariah are used to imply this. These phrases are often included in reporting by MSNBC, CNN, and Fox News. A recent study conducted by Latif ²⁶² revealed how Islam and terrorism have been linked by the international press, and how Islamophobia and Muslim racial profiling may be aided by subtle print messaging. For this purpose, Latif ²⁶³ chooses the data from the editorial pages of six major international newspapers published between 2014 and 2017. Strata of 10 major global terrorist occurrences were compiled (as shown in Table 2).

Table 2: Newspapers and theImagery of Muslims In The Context ff Terrorism Crosstabulation

The Table lists how each newspaper has covered Islam and Muslims in relation to terrorism. In the context of terrorism, negative themes and frames against Muslims and Islam were more prevalent in The Guardian (48.4 percent), Daily News (43.5 percent), and Toronto Sun (51.9 percent). However, in the context of terrorism, neutral themes and frames disparaging Muslims and Islam were more common in TOI (21.4 percent) and Daily News (30.4 percent). In The National (44.4 percent) and Express Tribune (50 percent), positive themes were more prevalent. A previous study shows that there have been numerous and extensive attempts to spread Islamophobia. It is possible that the persistent propagation of Islamophobia in the media would lead to false perceptions about Islam. A closer look reveals that anti-Islamic sentiment has been propagating for several years. Media coverage of contentious topics may be rather powerful. Even if the news that is given frequently has bad motives, it can nonetheless affect viewers’ opinions. Consequently, if news that promotes animosity toward Islam is consistently disseminated, it will cultivate a pervasive belief throughout the society that Islam is to be despised.

Neoliberals frequently construct a binary distinction between Muslims as either good Muslims or bad Muslims in an effort to lessen prejudices against them in society

Final Thoughts and Future Directions

Neoliberalism and Islamophobia are related because Islam is seen as a threat to its principles. Neoliberals frequently construct a binary distinction between Muslims as either good Muslims or bad Muslims in an effort to lessen prejudices against them in society. Negative perceptions about those branded as bad Muslims are perpetuated, which stokes hostility. This animosity toward Muslims who are classified as such feeds into the larger problem of Islamophobia in society. Beyond its association with neoliberalism, Islamophobia is also associated with two other issues: Orientalist research and the commercialization of Islamophobia. Therefore, it’s true to say that elements of neoliberalism have a role in shaping the phenomena of Islamophobia, which is then supported by Orientalist studies and furthered by media commercialization. As previously stated, Islamophobia exists in a setting where neoliberalism is the dominant ideology of the day. To clarify, it is not maintained here that neoliberalism is the primary source of the modern Islamophobia that underlies it; to do so would be to neglect the reasons that are comparatively specific to certain contexts. However, the point being made here is that it’s critical to comprehend how Islamophobic stereotypes are created and how neoliberal thought influences them, as well as how these factors affect Muslim communities and individuals.

Muslims need to confront Islamophobia head-on as it continues to progress. Here are five actions Muslims should engage in to prevent the spread of Islamophobic ideas: educate people, become involved in politics, interact with the media, become more knowledgeable, and exercise patience. There are two approaches to understanding and learning more here. It first entails comprehending the discourse around the origins and progression of Islamophobia. Muslims need to examine this problem and develop sufficient literacy. They ought to be open to learning how the West views Islamophobia. Examining Western studies is crucial in determining the degree of Islamophobia’s expansion. The goal of learning more is to generate experts. These specialists can dispel myths regarding Islam. It is not easy, for example, to refute the assertion that the Quran is a sacred text that encourages terrorism. It takes in-depth research to find pertinent verses and formulate strong refutations.

Muslims also have a duty to teach others. It is essential to research the patterns of Islamophobia, and the findings need to be extensively shared in communities to correct the false beliefs about Islam. Muslims must also bring back the original perception of Islam as a religion associated with safety and tranquility. Publication of books and journals to educate people is one way to do this. It is also possible to combat Islamophobia in schools and via seminars that attempt to explain the real meaning of Islam. Additionally, it is crucial to post information on websites and other digital platforms that emphasizes the good features of Islam to counteract the bad picture of the religion that is spread by Western sources online. Making political donations is the third issue Muslims can do to put an end to Islamophobia. Muslim communities employ this tactic to protect their rights when the government intervenes at the regional and national levels.

Fourth, by engaging with the media, Muslims may actively help to lessen Islamophobia. Several Islamic organizations are in constant contact with local and national media channels to guarantee that Muslims are accurately portrayed in U.S. media. Furthermore, MPAC runs a specialized organization aimed at changing unfavorable opinions about Islam and Muslims in the Hollywood film business. Historically, American cinema has portrayed Islam and Muslims negatively, which has affected opinions throughout the world. Ultimately,²⁶⁴ exercising patience is one of the most significant things Muslims can do. The aforementioned initiatives are all based on patience and sincerity and are meant to promote a constant manner of compassion, inaction, and emotional stability. But in this case, the key to patience is knowing the tactical course of action and the sequential steps that must be taken to combat Islamophobia.

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